China Policy Institute: Analysis

Targeting Northeastern Tigers: The Anti-Corruption Campaign in Liaoning

Written by Adam Cathcart

In assessing the depth and the impact of Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign, few provinces are as interesting as Liaoning (遼寧). The reason for this curiosity comes in part because Liaoning, quite simply, is the buckle on the north-eastern “rust belt,” having once been the beating industrial heart and the molten steel veins of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) modernization project. Today, it is also an area where extensive corruption has come to light amid industrial restructuring, a downturn in the coal industry, uniquely negative economic numbers, and a huge election-fraud scandal exposed last September. Continue reading “Targeting Northeastern Tigers: The Anti-Corruption Campaign in Liaoning”

Fiscal Starvation: The Unintended Consequences of Xi Jinping’s Anti-Corruption Campaign

Written by Hiroki Takeuchi.

President Xi Jinping’s fierce anti-corruption campaign has been one of his signature reform policies since his inauguration as General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 2012. The campaign seemed to be the right policy to secure the future of the Party. Official corruption has been rampant in China and has become one of the major sources of public dissatisfaction. The CCP leadership has feared that corruption, if left unaddressed, could undermine the stability of one-party rule. Perhaps ironically, however, the success of Xi’s campaign has itself undermined the basis of one-party rule. Continue reading “Fiscal Starvation: The Unintended Consequences of Xi Jinping’s Anti-Corruption Campaign”

The costs of normalisation: Norway and Mongolia respond to Chinese sanctions

Written by Jichang Lulu

Norway and Mongolia made amends with China almost simultaneously last December, to normalise relations after being sanctioned for tolerating, respectively, a Nobel prize to a Chinese dissident and a Dalai Lama visit. Despite the similarities between the two countries’ statements of (non-)contrition, a closer analysis suggests that Mongolia conceded less to Chinese pressure, despite higher economic stakes. Such an analysis, based on an examination of Mongolian-language sources, has been missing from most western reporting on the issue. Instead, headlines have largely echoed Chinese state-media reports, earning them a rare triumph in the struggle for global ‘discourse power’ (huayu quan 话语权). Lessons from Mongolia can help assess the value Norway’s concession has for China as foreign policy goods, as well as gauge to what extent it was ‘forced’ or necessary. A proper understanding of China’s sanctions and their effect on Norway should inform policy making in the Arctic region, where China’s engagement can only be expected to increase in the medium term. Now they’ve been successfully tested, boycotts and sanctions could be deployed again, should civil society in any of the region’s democracies clash hard enough with the ‘core interests’ of an authoritarian power. Continue reading “The costs of normalisation: Norway and Mongolia respond to Chinese sanctions”

Japan’s Indigenous Weapons Development and Regional Defense Cooperation

Written by Scott N. Romaniuk, Tobias J. Burgers and Shih-Yueh Yang.

Japan has been active in weapons research and development (WRD) for several decades. During the 1990s, Tokyo and Washington penned an agreement to develop newer and more sophisticated weapons systems, including technology designed to conceal and designed to kill. In fact, many of these military agreements have been kept secret for years. These weapon development ranged from an improvement in underwater machines making them less susceptible to detection, to missile-based target-seeking devices and newer, faster, and more powerful rockets to enhance existing missile systems. Continue reading “Japan’s Indigenous Weapons Development and Regional Defense Cooperation”

China Could Dominate the Global (Armed) Drone Market

Written by Scott N. Romaniuk and Tobias J. Burgers

The United States (US) – most specifically the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) – has been identified as the world’s biggest drone user, but not the world’s biggest drone exporter.

In recent years, US dominance of drone warfare has been fading. For over a decade the US has been at the vanguard with its MQ-1C Gray Eagle and MQ-9 Reapers. These unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) were deployed in parallel with hundreds of other smaller surveillance and tactical reconnaissance drones in support of US and allied ground forces. More recently, drones churned out by the People’s Republic of China – the CH-3, CH-4, and the latest addition to the CH family, the CH-5 – now compete with other class-A contenders for large chunks of the drone market.

Continue reading “China Could Dominate the Global (Armed) Drone Market”

Managing NGOs in China

Written by Yongshun Cai.

The Chinese central and local governments are ambivalent to NGOs but not for the same reason. The central government recognizes the contributing role of NGOs in social governance, but it is also concerned with the potential political threat arising from any organizations independent of the state’s control. Local governments feel the direct need of NGOs in helping local governance, but they are worried about the political responsibilities tied to the management of NGOs. The central government addresses these concerns by regulating NGOs, whereas local governments tend to create and support NGOs that are more controllable.

Continue reading “Managing NGOs in China”

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